Ahead of his July court date, a chef charged with embezzling from Virginia’s Executive Mansion in a recent Richmond Circuit Court filing requested information on his payment for catering services and about Gov. Bob McDonnell‘s family use of state goods.

The motion from chef Todd Schneider of Sarasota, Fla., provides insight into his possible defense against the four felony counts he faces as well as the potential for the exposure at trial of details about McDonnell’s family life in the state residence.

His requests seeks information about instances when Schneider submitted a payment invoice that was denied, went unreimbursed for services rendered, or “was told to pay himself or his catering company by ‘taking it out in trade,’ ‘the usual way,’ or in any other way.”

And it inquires about “state goods and resources that were consumed, provided to, or taken by family members of Robert and Maureen McDonnell.”

That section of the motion mentions several McDonnell children, cites specific episodes when they allegedly enjoyed real and perishable state property, and asks for information about gifts to the governor or his family from Star Scientific Inc. chief executive Jonnie Williams.

McDonnell’s connections to Williams have come under scrutiny in the wake of media reports revealing Williams spent $15,000 to cover catering costs at the June 2011 wedding of one of McDonnell’s daughters at the Executive Mansion.

Williams has given campaign contributions and other gifts to McDonnell, as well as Attorney General Ken Cuccinelli, who until recently was a shareholder in Star Scientific, a company suing the state over a disputed $700,000 tax bill.

The company is also the subject of a federal securities investigation.

Schneider, 52, last month turned himself in to Virginia State Police after a grand jury indicted him on embezzlement charges.

He was released on a $2,000 personal recognizance bond.

The chef joined the governor’s staff in April 2010, earning a $60,000 annual salary as executive chef until he left McDonnell’s employ in March 2012 after being placed on paid administrative leave in February of that year.

McDonnell spokesman Tucker Martin Tuesday said declined comment other than to say the “motions made by a defendant in a pending criminal proceeding will be addressed by the appropriate authorities in court.”

Schneider’s attorney, Steven D. Benjamin of Richmond, also declined comment when contacted about the motion.

-Julian Walker, The (Norfolk) Virginian-Pilot

The Roanoke/Lynchburg market apparently got a bigger share of political ad spending than Hampton Roads, according to reports from Ralph Berrier in Sunday’s Roanoke Times and a piece in today’s Norfolk Virginian-Pilot.

Berrier reviewed filings with the four major stations in the Roanoke/Lynchburg market and found they took in $27.1 million during the presidential election campaign. The market was among the top 10 nationally for political ads for much of the late summer and fall, in part because the ad rates are lower here relative to larger media markets.

The Virginian-Pilot analysis of political ad sales to the four Hampton Roads stations found that the commercials amounted to more than 260 hours of air time. That doesn’t include the barrage of nationally broadcast ads bought directly from networks or cable outlets.

The stations collectively took in more than $21 million for airing more than 31,300 spots – most of them 30-second commercials – according to the analysis of political ad sales reported to the Federal Communications Commission.

Roanoke businessmen and philanthropists Nicholas Taubman and Heywood Fralin are among the top Virginia donors to super PACs in this election cycle, according to new data posted today by the Virginia Public Access Project.

Super PACs can raise unlimited funds from individual and corporate donors. In Virginia, conservative groups have had far more success than their liberal counterparts in raising money.

Taubman and Fralin have each given $100,000 to American Crossroads, the conservative super PAC founded by Republican strategist Karl Rove.  Abingdon-based coal company Alpha Natural Resources also has contributed $100,000. American Crossroads has collected more than $1.6 million from Virginia donors and it has spent more than $700,000 on advertising opposing Democratic U.S. Senate candidate Tim Kaine.

American Crossroads works in conjunction with Crossroads GPS, a tax-exempt group that does not have to disclose its donors to the public. Crossroads GPS has spent $9.6 million in the state through Oct. 29, according to VPAP.

As noted here in August, Taubman also gave $50,000 last year to a super PAC supporting former Republican presidential candidate Jon Huntsman.

The most generous Virginia donor to super PACs has been Richard Gilliam of Keswick, the founder of Cumberland Resources Cor.  Gilliam has given $750,000 to American Crossroads and $250,000 to Restore Our Future, a pro-Mitt Romney super PAC, and $25,000 to Independence Virginia PAC, which has done broadcast and direct mail advertising opposing Kaine.

Independence Virginia PAC has been financed largely by two wealthy, out-of-state donors: Texas home-builder Bob Perry, who has given $1 million, and Las Vegas casino magnate Sheldon Adelson, who put up $1.5 million.

Priorities USA Action, a Democratic super PAC run by former aides to President Barack Obama, had raised just $125,400 from Virginians through Oct. 17. It is the only Democratic-leaning super PAC to surpass $100,000 in funds raised from Virginians.

– Michael Sluss

Bob Goodlatte

Incumbent 6th District Congressman Bob Goodlatte, R-Roanoke County, outraised Democratic challenger Andy Schmookler in the 3rd quarter and holds a substantial advantage in cash on-hand headed toward Election Day on Nov. 6.

For the period between July 1 and Sept. 30, Goodlatte raised $232,575 and ended with $692,023 in cash on hand.

For that same period, Schmookler raised $62,227 and ended with $32,832 in cash on hand.

We try to always offer the disclaimer that outraising an opponent doesn’t automatically guarantee victory — but campaign cash does enable a candidate to get his message out.

And as always, we invite you to share your thoughts on the 6th District race in the comments section.

– Mason Adams

John Douglass

Rep. Robert Hurt

Incumbent 5th District Congressman Robert Hurt, R-Chatham, outraised Democratic challenger John Douglass in the 3rd quarter and holds a substantial advantage in cash on-hand headed toward Election Day on Nov. 6.

For the period between July 1 and Sept. 30, Hurt raised $358,331 and ended with $695,323 in cash on hand.

For that same period, Douglass raised $302,685 and ended with $223,339 in cash on hand.

We offer the disclaimer that outraising an opponent doesn’t automatically guarantee victory — but campaign cash does enable a candidate to get his message out.

And as always, we invite you to share your thoughts on the 5th District race in the comments section.

– Mason Adams

Mail piece funded by Independence Virginia PAC

A wealthy Texas home-builder is the primary underwriter of a political action committee that is producing television and radio ads and direct mail pieces attacking Democratic U.S. Senate candidate Tim Kaine.

Bob Perry, who has donated large sums of money to conservative causes, gave $1 million to Independence Virginia PAC in the three-month period that ended Sept. 30, according to the groups report filed with the Federal Election Commission. That represents nearly all of the $1,087,500 the “super PAC” raised during the period, according to the Virginia Public Access Project.

The group so far has spent nearly $300,000 on radio ads opposing Kaine, $160,000 for television spots and $134,000 for mail pieces, according to VPAP. Kaine is running against Republican George Allen for the Senate seat now held by Democrat Jim Webb.

Perry, who lives in Houston, was a major funder of the 2004 Swift Boat Veterans for Truth, an independent group that launched controversial ads attacking Democratic presidential candidate John Kerry. He also contributed $80,000 to Gov. Bob McDonnell’s 2009 campaign and another $125,000 to McDonnell’s political action committee, according to VPAP.

The super PACs make up just part of the outside spending aimed at influencing the outcome of the Senate and presidential elections in Virginia. Tax-exempt groups that are not required to disclose their donors also are pouring millions of dollars into advertising, much of it negative.

Kaine’s campaign singled out another donor to Independence Virginia PAC for criticism. Wyoming businessman and Christian conservative Foster Friess, who gave $10,000 to the super PAC, has made public statements that reflect “intolerant views,” Kaine said.

“We should all agree that out-of-state contributions from individuals like Foster Friess should have no influence in this race. Mr. Friess has spoken on the need for ‘more intolerance.’ He suggested that President Obama should invest in a ‘bulletproof teleprompter.’ And, in an interview with (NBC’s) Andrea Mitchell in February of this year, he ridiculed the need for contraception, suggesting that women just put aspirin between their knees.”

Kaine called on Allen “to reject the intolerant views of Foster Friess and ask Independence Virginia to return his contribution.”

Allen campaign spokeswoman Emily Davis accused Kaine of playing both sides of the fence when it comes to independent expenditure advertising. She noted that Kaine’s campaign was openly promoting a new ad by the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee attacking Allen’s economic plan.

“It’s pretty hypocritical for Tim Kaine to launch attacks on outside spending when labor unions, radical environmentalists and Washington Democrats are bankrolling his message,” Davis said.

– Michael Sluss

Democrat Tim Kaine continues to raise more money than Republican George Allen in their race for Virginia’s open U.S. Senate seat, even as both candidates boasted of having their best fundraising quarters of the 2012 campaign.

Kaine’s campaign reported this morning that it raised about $4.5 million for the three-month period that ended Sept. 30 and had $1 million in the bank at the close of the fundraising quarter. The campaign spent another $3 million for advertising in the recent fundraising period, bringing its total advertising spending to $7.5 million.

Allen’s campaign said it raised $3.5 million for the quarter and had $2.6 million on hand.

The summary numbers were reported in news releases from the two campaigns. As already noted here, the fundraising totals for the two candidates don’t tell the whole story of the money pouring into the high-stakes Senate race. Outside groups — including some that can legally avoid disclosing their donors — have been spending heavily in an effort to influence voters here.

Kaine, a former governor and Democratic National Committee chairman, has raised nearly $15 million for his campaign and has consistently bettered Allen’s fundraising totals in each quarter. Kaine’s campaign said it has raised money from 40,000 individual donors, including 10,000 new donors in the last six weeks. Nearly 70 percent of Kaine’s third-quarter donors gave less than $200, the campaign said.

“We are truly humbled by the thousands of donors across the Commonwealth who have helped make this our strongest quarter yet,” said Kaine  campaign manager Mike Henry. “Since we started this race more than 17 months ago, we have constantly been encouraged by the outpouring of support for Governor Kaine’s candidacy and the enthusiasm for his Virginia-based, forward thinking strategies to solve our fiscal and economic challenges. While we’re proud of our fundraising total, we are most proud of the number of our donors and volunteers. We know we’ll have to rely on them to help battle against increasingly desperate ads and tactics in the last weeks.”

“Even in the face of more than $13 million in false ads run by outside groups, largely funded by secret money, supporters from all stripes have stood up and affirmed what we’ve known all along – grassroots support will be what wins this race,” Henry said. “As we enter the last month of the campaign, we are in a good position to share Governor Kaine’s message with voters across the Commonwealth and optimistic about finishing strong.”

Said Allen of his fundraising: “Susan and I are so encouraged by the groundswell of support our campaign is receiving from Virginians who share our vision for a better future.We know that behind every donation is a story of hard work and hope that current and future generations will have the same opportunities we had growing up. As we travel throughout the Commonwealth, Susan and I are hearing from Virginians who are hurting from the failed Obama-Kaine policies that brought us high unemployment, skyrocketing energy prices and higher taxes. We will continue to deliver our positive message for pro-job growth tax, regulatory, energy and education policies. This Election Day is our time for choosing, and we’re standing strong with Virginians who are energized for America’s Comeback. ”

– Michael Sluss

President Barack Obama and Republican challenger Mitt Romney are spending large sums of money on television ads to influence voters in the battleground state of Virginia. So are Democrat Tim Kaine and Republican George Allen, the two candidates running for the state’s open U.S. Senate seat.

But the candidates and political parties are just partly responsible for the tidal wave of ads flooding the airwaves in this big election season. Outside political and interest groups have bought $37 million worth of television advertising time in state’s top four media markets, according to the nonpartisan Virginia Public Access Project. About half of the money has been spent by groups that don’t have to disclose their donors to the public.

In the Roanoke-Lynchburg television market, conservative groups are dominating the airwaves. According to VPAP, 85 percent of the ad spending by outside groups has come from conservative interests, which have poured nearly $5.6 million into the regional market.

More than half of that total has come from conservative  super PAC American Crossroads and a spinoff group, Crossroads GPS. Both have ties to Republican strategist Karl Rove, a key adviser to former President George W. Bush.  Crossroads GPS, which does not have to disclose its donors, has committed $2.4 million to the Roanoke market and American Crossroads has added about $950,000.

The other big spender is the conservative group Americans for Prosperity, which has spent more than $1 million in the region.

By contrast, liberal groups have barely made a dent in the regionn. Majority PAC, a committee working to protect a Democratic majority in the Senate, has spent $309,015 in the region. The group has run ads promoting Kaine’s record and attacking Allen’s.

Kaine, who has been critical of the influence of secret-money groups, has been the target of attack ads produced by Crossroads GPS and Americans for Prosperity.

The torrent of spending is partly due to Virginia’s status as a key swing state in the presidential election, and the fact that the U.S. Senate race is one of the most competitive in the country. But the floodgates really were opened by a 2010 U.S. Supreme Court decision that lifted restrictions on contributions by corporations, unions and interest groups in federal elections.

Unlike the candidates, the outside groups can accept unlimited contributions from individuals, corporations and unions. Registered super PACs must disclose their donors. Individual expenditure groups that are registered as “social welfare” organizations do not have to disclose their donors.

Third-party groups spent only about $2.3 million in Virginia in 2008, when Obama won the White House and Democrats gained a majority of the state’s congressional seats, according to an analysis by CNN. But, after the Supreme Court ruling, independent expenditure groups played a major role in the 2010 congressional elections in Virginia, as Republicans reclaimed  a majority of the state’s House of Representatives seats.

Here’s a list that VPAP compiled of the outside groups that have bought advertising time in the Roanoke-Lynchburg market:

VPAP has much more on the media buys by super PACs and other independent expenditure groups here.

 – Michael Sluss

Virginia's 9th Congressional District

Updated at 1:45 p.m. with information clarifying that Justin Higgins’ Fightin’ 9th PAC is different from Congressman Morgan Griffith’s Fightin’ Ninth PAC.

Updated again at 9 p.m. with news that Higgins has dismantled his Fightin’ 9th PAC.

The U.S. Supreme Court’s landmark Citizens United ruling — and more importantly the Speechnow.org v. Federal Election Commission appeals court ruling — opened the gate for a flood of so-called “Super PACs,” which are political committees that supposedly operate independent of campaigns and which can accept unlimited contributions from individuals, corporations, and unions.

Certainly some of these super PACs are behemoths that can pump millions of dollars of advertising and perhaps tilt the outcome of a given race. On the other hand, the relative ease of creating a super PAC has given rise to hundreds of new groups, including at least one that might be best described as a comedy super PAC.

One of the newest in western Virginia is the Fightin’ 9th PAC, which according to founder Justin Higgins was created to “boost Republican turnout in Virginia’s 9th Congressional District.” (Quick sidebar: My search for the Fightin’ 9th PAC on opensecrets.org also led me to U.S. Sen. Jim Webb’s Born Fighting PAC and the Ultimate Fighting Championship PAC.)

UPDATE: Higgins’ Fightin’ 9th super PAC is not to be confused with the Fightin’ Ninth PAC, a committee linked with 9th District Congressman Morgan Griffith, R-Salem.

UPDATE NO. 2: Higgins in fact has dismantled his PAC. After filing papers with the Federal Election Commission and sending out news releases, he learned of its similarity to the Griffith PAC and shut it down.

On our side, I probably should have checked with Higgins before going live with the post. I interviewed him a week or two back but held off on a post until the Fightin’ 9th PAC showed up in a search on opensecrets.org. Lessons learned all around, I guess.

[/UPDATES]

Higgins is a 22-year-old political operative who worked on ballot issues in Ohio before moving to Blacksburg last year. He points out that President Barack Obama ran worse in the 9th District four years ago than any other in Virginia.

“But 9th turnout was only 68.5 percent,” Higgins said. “In the 6th, you had 73 percent turnout. So the 6th turned out more people” for Republican John McCain.

Higgins said he’s targeting “donors who want their money spent in the 9th” to raise money. On the flipside, he anticipates the PAC will spend most of its cash on mailers and get-out-the-vote grassroots activities.

So will the new Fightin’ Ninth super PAC become a powerhouse or a smaller political entity? That, as the cliche goes, remains to be seen.

After the jump you can read the full news release announcing the Fightin’ 9th PAC.

Now, about that term: The Fighting Ninth. Where did it originate?

I heard the term occasionally while growing up in the Alleghany Highlands. Ironically, the region was *not* part of the 9th District when I grew up there in the ’80s and ’90s, but due to redistricting much of that area now *is* included in the 9th.

Higgins told me he became familiar with the term shortly after beginning to travel here.

“When I started coming down here, everybody, especially in Republican circles but I’m sure in Democratic circles, is just in love with the name Fighting Ninth,” Higgins said. “I’ve heard it attached to Congressman [William] Wampler a lot, him using it a lot. That’s why Republicans are attached to it. I love the energy of it.”

Of course the name isn’t unique to Southwest Virginia, as it’s also attached to a New York City police precinct and the Irish-dominated 9th Regiment Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry.

Harvie Wilkinson uses the term in his epochal history of mid-20th Century Virginia politics, “Harry Byrd and the Changing Face of Virginia Politics, 145-1966.” He associates the district with a spirit of independence and a willingness to split with the Byrd Machine on a regular basis.

Wilkinson links that spirit with the district’s hardscrabble history:

The “Fightin’ Ninth” had long been inhabited by poor but rugged mountaineers who declined to leave their native valleys and ridges for jobs in more prosperous urban centers. The highlanders of the Ninth had historically been a rebellious lot: even before the Civil War they were grumbling at the control more genteel and prosperous eastern planters had over state policy. “THere’s still a frontier swing to the walk, and the thought in Southwest Virginia,” wrote [newspaper columnist Guy] Friddell in 1966. “The shade of Daniel Boone lingers there.” [V.O.] Key mentions “an ineradicable residue of history … in the rebelliousness of hte people of the southwestern mountain counties,” explaining how, throughout the South, “the voters of the highlands tend to respond when the interests and powers-that-be are baited.”

UPDATE: We also asked Griffith. Here’s his response:

“What I have always heard is that it’s because, even when Democrats controlled everything, every now and then a Republican would get elected. It was a constant back-and-forth battle over mainly Congress, but also House of Delegate and state Senate seats. At one time there was no Republican Party [in Virginia] outside the Mountain-Valley Republicans, who resided mostly in the 9th — some in the 6th but mostly in the 9th.”

One more aside: While reporting about the issue of coal in the 2010 race between Rick Boucher and Morgan Griffith, I randomly came across a flea market in Wise County where I stopped and talking to potential voters about the race — but also came across a 1984 “Fightin Ninth” belt buckle that now resides among my collection of politics-related trinkets.

As always, readers, we’re interested in your thoughts and comments. Do you see the new Fightin’ 9th Super PAC making a difference in the congressional, senate or presidential race this fall? And if you have your own stories about that “Fighting Ninth” term, please share them in the comments below.

Follow me on Twitter or friend me on Facebook.

– Mason Adams

Read more »

Dwayne Yancey has noted before that the Blue Ridge Caucus allows us to share the unadulterated, unfiltered versions of news releases and statements that political reporters receive on a daily basis.

One particular kind of email we receive isn’t really directed at the news media, per se, but we get them anyway because we’re on various candidates’ mail lists.

That’s the naked appeal for campaign cash, which arrives periodically but especially before deadlines. The most recent deadline arrived last night with the new year.

So for a laugh, I thought I’d post a selection of subject lines from the various appeals for money. I’ll spare you the actual content of each message, but readers might get some amusement out of the collection.

Guy Harrison (NRCC): “Last Chance”

Michelle Obama: “I want to be able to say”

Pretty much all of these arrived over the last couple of days.

Happy new year everyone!